Gender and Representation in Latin America by Leslie A. Schwindt-Bayer

Author:Leslie A. Schwindt-Bayer
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: Oxford University Press
Published: 2017-01-15T00:00:00+00:00

Table 9.1 PARTY SYSTEM FRAGMENTATION IN COSTA RICA (NUMBER OF SEATS WON IN THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, BY PARTY)

Election

Party 1998 2002 2006 2010 2014

PLN 23 17 25 23 18

PUSC 27 19 5 6 8

PAC — 14 17 11 13

ML 1 6 6 9 4

FA — — 1 9

other 6 1 4 7 5

Total 57 57 57 57 57

SOURCES: Frajman (2014); Wilson (1998, 2003, 2007); Wilson and Rodríguez-Cordero (2011)

LOCAL SUCCESS, NATIONAL BARRIERS: ELECTING WOMEN BEFORE SYSTEM COLLAPSE

Costa Rica’s electoral system presents a fair amount of complexity, especially at the subnational level. The 1998 Municipal Code provided for popular election of all subnational offices, with executives chosen from single-member plurality districts and legislators via closed-list proportional representation. Elections use a propietario-suplente candidate pairing for executive and legislative posts at the cantonal and district level.5 This formula pairs a “primary” candidate (the propietario) with a “substitute” candidate (the suplente). Primary-substitute pairs are elected as units (hence the ability to speak of alcaldes and síndicos as occupying single-member districts). Generally, the substitutes have no independent authority, and only serve if the primary candidate resigns or becomes temporarily indisposed due to illness, travel, or other circumstance. For alcaldes, however, the substitutes served as vice-mayors in 2002 and 2006; in 2010, cantons began electing their executives via a four-name single ticket, consisting of one mayor and his or her substitute, and two vice-mayors without substitutes.

The suplente position offers parties a significant number of symbolic candidacies. This institutional design allows parties to cultivate support among female voters and members—without devolving actual policy authority. Table 9.2 shows the proportion of women elected at the subnational level before the quota law, when only municipal councilors and síndicos were popularly elected. The data begin in 1986, the earliest year available. Although the proportion of women elected increased across the three election periods, women clearly acceded to the substitute position more than the primary position. For example, women comprised 18.3% of all municipal councilors in 1994, but 22% of substitutes compared to 14.5% of titleholders. Nonetheless, these figures are much higher than the regional average between 1990 and 2000, which was 5% (Htun and Piscopo 2014). Women were especially successful at the district level, comprising 12.4% of primary síndicas in 1990 and 18.2% in 1994. Costa Rica thus outpaced Latin America early on.

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